Wednesday, August 12, 2015

Ropeways and Tourism, Swiss Experience and Lessons for Nepal

Ropeway in Nepal_Page_033

TONI HAGEN
MIXED TRANSPORTATION DEVELOPMENT IN SWITZERLAND
After obtaining independence from colonial rule, most developing countries embarked on a single-focus programme of road building and have continued such programmes today without considering better options and more economic alternatives. Switzerland, on the other hand, modernised its transportation system using a mix of railways, roads and ropeways. Its balanced policy fostered the development of a judicious blend of transport technologies suitable to specific areas in the Swiss Alps and meeting economic requirements. With government support a robust ropeway industry flourished.
In rugged mountainous terrain, the advantages of ropeways over other means of transport are many. First, they are much cheaper to build, operate and maintain than roads. In addition, they cause negligible harm to the environment. They need much less space than motorable roads and there is no need for parking places. In fact, except for the foundations and supporting steel towers, ropeways do not require much construction work on the ground at all. Since very little earth is moved, mountain slopes are not destabilised as they are when road alignments are excavated. While roads are ugly gashes cut into mountain slopes, ropeways do not mar nature’s beauty. Ropeways, unlike hill roads, do not trigger landslides, nor are they as vulnerable to floods and cloudbursts. They have no expensive bridges to be periodically rebuilt after they are washed away. Because they can be powered by hydroelectricity—a resource abundant in the mountains if a government promotes local investment in decentralised hydropower plants—ropeways do not pollute the air as motor vehicles do. And, critically important for tourism, ropeways are silent.
The Swiss Alps have historically been a formidable barrier to transport. The building of trails across the mountains to facilitate the transport of pack animals started in the 13th century, when Swiss democracy began, although some trails must have existed much earlier, in Roman times. Hannibal, for example, on his way to conquer Rome from the north, started from Carthage and reached the Alps via Gibraltar. His army and elephants crossed three high mountain passes in what is today Switzerland. In the 18th century some of the ancient transit routes, including the famous Gotthard Horse Coach Road, used by horse-drawn passenger coaches were upgraded to roads. These primitive roads were improved to motorable standards only at the beginning of the 20th century. Even then, the government of the Canton of Grison thought motorcars were too noisy, too dangerous and too polluting and banned them until 1926. At that time, road construction and maintenance was basically the decentralised responsibility of Swiss cantons and municipalities.
It was only in the 1960s, when Switzerland decided to construct a modern national highway system, that the federal government became involved in road building in more ways than just paying subsidies. Among other activities, it set nation¬wide standards and specifications, passed laws and regulations to ensure the compatibility of road plans with environmental concerns, issued tenders for private construction companies to do the work and checked the quality and standard of the results. Since then, the federal government has covered up to 90 per cent of the cost of constructing highways, while respective cantons pay the rest. Funding for the national highway system is generated through a special tax on the retail price of gasoline and diesel amounting to over half of that price. From 1961 till 2001 Switzerland spent
60.445 billion Swiss francs (US$ 43.175 billion at today’s rate of 1.39 SFr to one US$) to build, maintain and operate a highway grid of 1,673 kilometres; the cost per kilometre was roughly US$ 25.8 million. As of 2001, Switzerland had also built 51,357 kilometres of village roads and 18,115 kilometres of urban roads at the respective costs of US$ 0.36 and US$ 1.2 million per kilometre. Switzerland’s road system is probably the densest of any mountain country in the world. Its achievement is the result of full decentralisation and of participation by authorities as well as people at all levels.
Railway construction began in the mid-19th century at the initiative of several private enterprises. In 1847 the Spanisch Brotli Bahn, the first railway in Switzerland, started running from Zurich to Baden. The name derived from the high society of Zurich, for whom the train brought sweets from a well-known bakery in Baden on Sundays. Another important railway of the Gotthard was built in 1869. The total length of track in 1855 was just 210 kilometres, but it was extended to 17,727 kilometres in just 15 years. The Vitznau-Rigi train, the first mountain railway in Europe, was opened in 1871. The Pilatus Railway, which runs from Alpnachstad—a town readily accessible from Lucerne by boat, train or road—to Pilatus Kulm at an elevation of 1,838 metres was opened in 1889. It used steam engines, at first, then converted to electricity in 1937 because the cogwheel system used before that was unable to provide protection against slippage at the extreme gradient of nearly 1:2. Because of the steep angle of carriage, a special system with a vertical toothed gearwheel, together with a transverse boiler for the engine, was devised. Reaching a maximum gradient of 48 per cent, the Pilatus is still the steepest rack railway in the world.
Construction of the Jungfrau-Bahn, whose designation is Jungfraujoch, started in 1896 and was completed in 1912. Attaining a height of 3,300 metres, it is the highest railway in Europe. Most of the line (where the steepest gradient is 1:4) employs a rack system with overhead trolleys, but there is also a short section (of gradient 1:14) which uses an ordinary or adhesive system. A connection between Weggis and Rigi was opened in 1968. To complement these private endeavours, Swiss Federal Railways, SBB, was established in 1902. In order to expand train services to remote and poor areas, SSB merged several major Swiss railway systems which had been nationalised in 1897. These routes produced little or no profit for the private sector and needed cross-subsidisation through government intervention. All tourist railways, as well as some smaller lines and mountain railways, have remained private.
The drive for railway construction reached its peak in 1882, when the Gotthard Transit Route was built through the Alps. This 19-kilometre-long tunnel was the longest in the world until the recent opening of the Channel Tunnel between France and England. It was a masterpiece of tunnel engineering, which used labour-intensive construction techniques rather than the drilling rigs and other heavy equipment available at that time. Furthermore, the alignment of the Gotthard Railway, with its several loops and tunnels on both sides of the Gotthard River was extraordinarily farsighted. The same alignment is still in use today and allows trains of up to 800 tonnes—the heaviest in the world—to be towed by the most powerful electric locomotives in the world at a speed of 80 kilometres per hour. The line climbs from 400 metres at Erstfeld to 1100 metres at the entrance of the tunnel at Goschenen and then descends to 200 metres on the southern side.
For access to the most rugged and remote mountain areas, however, the construction of railways and roads proved to be too difficult and costly. Ropeways, it turned out, were a cheaper and more convenient alternative. They were to play a very important role even before steam and combustion engines were invented or electric power was made available. Motorcars did not ply Switzerland’s roads until the 1920s and the boom in road building began only after the end of the Second World War. In contrast, the first boom in ropeways establishment in Switzerland took place in the 19th century; these ropeway routes have only partly been replaced by motorable roads and, in the last few decades, by helicopters. When the potential of Switzerland for tourism was discovered in the middle of the 19th century, ropeways of all kinds and sizes enjoyed an unparalleled boom.
SWISS ROPEWAY SYSTEMS
Ropeway systems exist in different parts of the world and different definitions are found in many different languages. In order to clarify terminology and to prevent misinterpretation or misunderstanding, the definitions in use in Switzerland are elucidated below. There are two main types of ropeway systems:
1. Cable cars, and
2. Aerial ropeways, which, in turn, are further classified into two types:
a. Circulating mono-rope aerial ropeways, each with a single endless steel rope which carries and drives loads at the same time.
b. Commuting bi-rope aerial ropeways with one strong steel rope for carrying loads and a second one for providing traction on loads.
Cable cars: These are essentially railway cars that are towed along a rail track on the ground using a steel cable which is powered at a hill station. A car is attached to each end of the cable, and both cars run simultaneously, one up and the other down, crossing each other halfway in between. Simple cable cars have been built in considerable number, not only in tourist areas but also in towns situated in hilly areas. In Lausanne, for example, cable cars carry passengers from the harbour on the lake to the centre of the town, and, in Zurich, from the city centre up to the university quarters. In St. Gallen, a cable car which was run by gravity once operated from the city centre to the elevated parts of the town. Making use of the country’s abundant water resources, cars were equipped with tanks which could be filled with water from a nearby brook to make the downhill run. The tide of electrification that swept across Switzerland after 1930 eliminated steam traction from the mountains. Electric motors replaced steam locomotives and gravity because it took too long to fill up tanks and because the passenger carrying capacity had to be increased.
The basic engineering advantage of cable cars on steep terrain is that, unlike roads, which need a long serpentine gradient, tracks can be built straight from the valley bottom to the hilltop. Simple cable cars are by no means obsolete. While it is true that new cable cars are not being built due to the prohibitively high cost of right-of-way clearance, which requires the demolition of existing buildings, very old cable cars are being renewed and upgraded in modern Swiss towns. It is unthinkable to many Swiss people that roads will replace city cable cars.
Aerial ropeways: Aerial ropeways, or sky rails, transport goods and passengers suspended on steel ropes through the air. Six kinds of aerial ropeways are in use in Switzerland:
1 Gravity-driven, one-way, mono-rope aerial ropeways: These have only one carrying steel rope, which stretches in a single span from an elevated point down to the terminal. There is no pulling rope since gravity acts as the driving force. These ropeways do not have any brakes. These are the simplest and most primitive ropeways and can obviously be used only for downhill cargo transport. Local farmers built them to transport timber and bales of hay. Government permission is not needed to build one though the Swiss Federal Flight Security Office (SFFSO) has to be informed.
2 Commuting two-way, bi-rope aerial ropeways: These ropeways have a strong steel track rope and a separate traction rope. In this system, tanks are filled with water to artificially increase the force of gravity for the downhill run and then are emptied for the uphill run. The difference in the weights of the two ends of the steel rope lifts the cargo upwards. Many of these systems have now been upgraded and electric motors or combustion engines have been added as power sources.
3 Circulating, mono-rope, open-air, multi-seater aerial ropeways (chair lifts): This third type of aerial ropeway has chairs or benches with up to four seats, each suspended on a steel rope driven in a loop. The chairs, which are fastened to the rope using a gripping mechanism, may be independently disconnected from the rope and transferred to a separate suspended rail at terminal points for embarking and disembarking. A ride in such an open-air chair lift is a fascinating experience for lovers of nature; it is a smooth and totally silent gliding over a landscape of forests, jungles, rivers, villages, pastureland and rocks. The panoramic view that unfolds as one gains altitude is overwhelmingly spectacular.
4 Circulating, mono-rope, mini-cabin aerial ropeways: These ropeways are a further development of open-air chair lifts; they provide seats for four to six passengers per cabin. The mini cabins are detachable from the main carrying¬cum-driving steel rope and come to an almost complete standstill to make it easy for passengers to get on and off. While an open-air ride is an unmatched delight, mini-cabins are very convenient in winter, in generally cold climates or at higher altitudes.
5 Mono-cable tow-lifts, or ground ski lifts: These are driven by a continuous steel rope mounted on two large driving wheels with vertical axes, one at the
bottom and the other at the top station of the ski lift. The wheel at the bottom station is powered by electric motors. Skiers standing their own skis hold onto small individual steel ropes fixed to the main rope and are towed upward. Tow-lifts fall between cable cars, in which the load carried is dragged along the ground, and aerial ropeways, in which the load is suspended on cables in the air. If the distance between the lower and the upper terminal is too long, small towers between the main terminal stations support the driving steel rope. With this simple system, skiers can enjoy sliding downhill without tiring themselves by trudging up slopes. Small loads can also be suspended on the driving steel rope and transported up or downhill. Because simple tow lifts are often uncomfortable and have limited capacity, they are gradually being replaced by open-air chair lifts, which have the additional advantage of being usable in the summer.
6. Commuting bi-rope, large-cabin aerial ropeways: These differ from mini-cabin ropeways in that, instead of a continuous rope, they have a strong steel carrying rope and a separate steel driving rope with one large cabin at each end. One cabin is pulled uphill as the other one moves simultaneously downhill, thereby getting gravity to do part of the work of pulling the load uphill. The cabins used are very large—the size of a city bus. The largest one in use in the Swiss Alps is the ropeway from Zermat to the summit of Rothorn Mountain. Each cabin can hold 150 passengers.
Swiss aerial ropeways have two different purposes: to provide access to remote mountain villages and high pastureland and to foster tourism. Tourist ropeways have much higher capacities and stricter safety regulations than village ropeways. They also have to be licensed by the Swiss federal government or, if they are small, by the canton or municipality in which they are located. The SFFSO enters all ropeways, even the smallest village one, on a topographical cadastral map, which is distributed to all pilots flying in or over Switzerland (Table 1.1). This is because ropeways, if undetected, can be a great hazard for aircraft and helicopters.
* Some of these are licensed for tourism too.
HIGH PASTURES, REMOTE MOUNTAIN VILLAGES AND TOURISM
The building of these six types of ropeways in Switzerland started in the 19th century. The early ones were very simple and small, built (except for the steel rope) by local village blacksmiths and other craftsmen. The simplest ropeway was used to transport hay from mountain pastures down to villages so that there would be a stock of animal feed during the winter. These simple ropeways had neither engines nor brakes. The cargo was just suspended on a wheel and the load sped down to the valley, where it stopped at the end of the rope when it hit a bale of hay. Thousands of such very primitive ropeways have been used all over the hills of Switzerland.
The next stage was building simple, two-way ropeways for transporting cargo both uphill and downhill. Simple combustion engines, frequently those of old motorcars, powered these systems, which served primarily to transport cheese produced in mountain pastures during the summer down to villages and roads for marketing. Hundreds of ropeways were used in forests to bring timber down to roads; even today, modern mobile ropeway units serve the same purpose. Improved ropeways also increasingly served to transport passengers. For a long time, ropeways were the only connection between many villages and summer settlements and lowlands and valley roads. Temporary ropeways are used to protect construction works situated on steep mountain slopes above the tree line against avalanches. In the second half of the 20th century, temporary ropeways of all sizes were used while constructing hydroelectric dams and barrages. Some of them have survived and are used today to transport tourists. The oldest aerial ropeway still in operation in Switzerland today dates to 1917.
Building feeder ropeways to gain access to remote mountain villages is by no means an obsolete transport policy. As late as the period between 1991 and 1995, fourteen new ropeways were built in Switzerland, an achievement which suggests that building difficult feeder roads to remote mountain villages is by no means the only or even the most appropriate solution to meeting the need for mountain transport. In addition to building new ropeways, old ones have been upgraded with devices that increase their safety and capacity. Of the 70 ropeways that had been constructed by 1959, fifty were upgraded after twenty to thirty years of operation. Out of the 126 ropeways that were built between 1960 and 1980, twenty-five were upgraded. An additional nineteen ropeways were upgraded between 1990 and 1995.
Even today in a country as rich as Switzerland feeder ropeways are an important means of accessing poor villages in backward cantons. Table 1.2 shows that the four poorest mountain cantons of Switzerland have the largest number of feeder ropeways per inhabitant, or inversely, the fewest inhabitants per ropeway. In contrast, the rich canton of Zurich has just one feeder ropeway for its population of over a million people. In the canton of Ticino, many small feeder ropeways operate along the Gotthard Route, which is the main highway through the Alps connecting northern and southern Europe
One important institution whose skills and institutional capacity regarding the use of ropeways for emergency are highly developed is the Swiss Army, which keeps a large number of mobile aerial cargo ropeways of different lengths and capacities in stock. One of them was brought to Nepal and installed in the village of Barpak in Gorkha District (see chapters 9 and 10). Setting it up took Nepalis about four months but professionals in the Swiss Army could have installed this 300 kilogramme cargo ropeway within 19 hours. Despite such well-maintained governmental capability, ropeways in Switzerland are primarily a private sector enterprise. Tourism did trigger a boom in the construction of mountain railways, cogwheel trains, tow-lifts, open-seat ropeways, mini-cabin ropeways and high-capacity ropeways, but all these were initiated, planned, financed and run entirely by private enterprises.
Hundreds of mountains in Switzerland with beautiful panoramic views are accessible by aerial ropeways and cogwheel railways which were put in place in the 19th and the early decades of the 20th centuries. As of 1995, the Swiss federal government had licensed 567 major tourist aerial ropeways in addition to the numerous cogwheel railways and cable cars. Roughly twenty per cent (or 120) of these tourist ropeways are in the canton of Grisons, which is called the ‘vacation corner of Switzerland’. Since Grisons covers an area of 7,100 square kilometres and has a local population of 185,000, there is one major tourist ropeway for every 59 square kilometres and every 1,541 inhabitants.
In 1847, the 1,800-metre Rigi Mountain in Central Switzerland, famous for its panoramic view, was opened from the northern side with the first cogwheel railway in the world. Following its success, a second cogwheel railway was built in 1871 from the south, starting in Vitznau (436 metres) on the bank of Lake Lucerne. In 1868, the first ropeway from Weggis was built on the same lake. Hotels were built on the top of Rigi Mountain, whose reputation as the most beautiful location for mountain resorts in the world is due not only to the extraordinarily beautiful panoramic view but also to the fact that there are no access roads and consequently no motorcars, no noise and no pollution (Table 1.3). In 1937, electric trains replaced steam engines, but when marketing experts recently discovered the potential value of nostalgia, the old steam engine of 1847 was taken out of the National Transport Museum in Lucerne,
� Large cabin aerial ropeway in Central Switzerland. View from Mt. Stanserhorn over the lake of Lucerne.

restored and, in 1977, put into service for tourist excursions with great success. In that first year alone, with only 150 days of operation, it transported over 45 thousand tourists to the top of Rigi Mountain. The maximum daily visits using the two cogwheel railways and the aerial ropeway together amounted to not less than 5,000 passengers.
Another pioneering effort was the construction of a cogwheel from the town of Interlaken (566 metres) to Jungfraujoch (3,454 metres). To do so, a tunnel had to be built through the northern face of the famous Eiger Mountain up to the glacier plateau. From this point one gets a thrilling view of the high mountains of the Bernese Overland as well as of the 40-kilometre-long Aletsch Glacier, the longest in the Alps. On peak days, there can be up to 8,000 visitors. In the jubilee year, 23,000 people used the system of Jungfrau in one day (Table 1.4).
The 27-kilometre-long and 18-kilometre-wide Lucerne Lake in the historic heart of Switzerland is one of the main tourist areas in the country. It has developed into the densest tourist area because none of the surrounding mountains and hill resorts has been opened up using roads. The Lucerne area is comparable in size to the Kathmandu Valley, which is about 25 kilometres from Sanga in the east to Thankot in the west, and about 27 kilometres from Shivapuri in the north to Phulchoki or Chandragiri in the south. Its population, however, is much smaller. Lucerne is home to just 600,000 people, while Kathmandu City has over one-and-a-half million and the whole valley is home to approximately two million people. Another difference is that though cogwheel railways, cable cars and major aerial ropeways have opened five mountains and three hill resorts around Lucerne (Figure 1.2), the Kathmandu Valley has no such transport technology. These eight destinations are briefly described below.
Mt. Pilatus (2,121 metres): The steepest cogwheel railway in the world (with a gradient of 48 per cent) was built in 1889 from Alpnach (436 metres) on the southern side. In 1954, an aerial ropeway with four-seater cabins was installed from Kriens, a village near the town of Lucerne, to Frankmüntegg. The connection between Frankmüntegg and Pilatus was opened in 1956.
Burgenstock (1,128 metres): One 874-metre-long cable car and one vertical lift to the top of a perpendicular rockwall have been built.
Stanserhorn (1,898 metres) is served by one cable car in two sections.
Klewenalp (1,593 metres) has one aerial ropeway.
Seelisberg (766 metres) has one cable car.
Stoos (1,275 metres) has one cable cars and one aerial ropeway.
Fronalpstock (1,922 metres) has one aerial ropeway.
Rigi Mountain (1,800 metres): This, the most famous mountain in Switzerland, has no access by road but is served by two cogwheel railways and one aerial ropeway, which starts at 400 metres and goes right to the top.
In the area surrounding St. Moritz (1,800 metres) in Grisons, which is the top alpine vacation centre for the international jet set, five famous mountains were opened with cable cars and aerial ropeways. There is no access by road. Zermatt (1,616 metres) and the Matterhorn (4,478 metres), a fashionable hill vacation and mountain sports centre respectively, are not accessible by road either. A cogwheel railway provides access to the Gornergrat (3,132 metres) and an aerial ropeway takes passengers from there up to the Stockhorn (3,532 metres). The highest ropeway in the Alps carries tourists from Zermatt to the little Matterhorn (3,884 metres).
There are nine major hill resorts in Switzerland which have either no access by road or do not allow motorcars to enter (Table 1.6). Cable cars provide the only access to these tourist centres of international repute. Together they have 53,230 beds, almost five times as many as the 11,661 beds in the Kathmandu Valley. Most other reputed tourist centres try to curb private motor traffic as much as possible either by building parking spaces in the periphery and running public bus services free of cost or by prohibiting driving at night. Some tourist areas close to villages use barriers which residents alone can open electronically with a code.
LESSONS FOR NEPAL
Not in terms of the spirit of its people but certainly in terms of its market economy, Nepal is one of the poorest countries in the world. For marginalised hill people in areas difficult to access, simple feeder ropeways seem to be an appropriate means of establishing connections. They are appropriate both technically due to their low maintenance costs and environmentally due to their low vulnerability to landslides and floods. Building ropeways to access remote mountain villages is by no means a backward transport policy for Nepal, as the example of mountainous and land-locked Switzerland has shown. Feeder ropeways are a highly economical alternative; they are not meant to displace feeder roads but to complement them. At the same time, ropeways should not be seen as just a continuation of feeder roads; they should be pursued as an independent component of a mountain-friendly transport policy in inaccessible remote areas as well as in prospective sites for tourist resorts.
Nepal had a successful early start in ropeway building. In 1922, Maharaja Chandra Shamsher started building a 22-kilometre-long cargo ropeway from Dhorshing over the Chisapanigarhi and Chandragiri hills and passing into the Kathmandu Valley.* This deed was every bit as farsighted as the pioneering construction of the Gotthard Railway and its tunnel 150 years ago in Switzerland. In 1964, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) rightly replaced and extended the old ropeway by a new 42-kilometre-long system from Hetauda. It followed the alignment of the old one, yet had a higher capacity (equivalent to 24 truckloads during its daily operation of eight hours). Institutional problems prevented it from operating at full capacity despite the fact that transporting cargo by ropeway cost half of what using trucks on the Tribhuban Highway did.
With the introduction of foreign development aid to Nepal, policy changed. In early Five-Year Plans, road construction enjoyed high priority. The World Bank and bilateral donors assisted successive governments in their road-building programmes. The theory at that time, which was espoused by the World Bank, was that roads are
* The ropeway, whose construction began in 1922, came into full-fledged operation in 1927 (also see Chapter 5). In 1924, a four-kilometre ropeway from Halchok to Lainchaur was also built.
the backbone of development. The assumption was that development in other areas would automatically follow road construction. This was, of course, a false assumption, like another theory widely propagated by the World Bank, that aid to central governments would trickle-down to poor villages. For some time the World Bank seemed to have learned from its mistakes. In its ‘Nepal Country Report of 1976’, the Bank wrote that the construction and maintenance of roads in a rugged mountainous country was too costly and other means of transport should be found. Today, however, all the early lessons seem to have been forgotten: road building is booming despite the extremely high cost of maintenance and the damage they cause to fragile mountain environment.
Ropeways have played an important role in Switzerland for over a century. Nepal could learn much not only from its example but also from the examples of other mountain-blessed countries that have promoted the development of ropeways, especially simple freight ropeways, which are by no means the monopoly of Switzerland. In Bangladesh, a Swiss firm had, as of 1997, opened fifty remote villages in the hill district of Chitagong with not less than 60 simple ropeways. In Australia, a World Heritage nature reserve has been opened by a ropeway that crosses very scenic coral reefs, tropical forests, and mountains to end, after a 7.5-kilometre journey, at a fashionable hill resort which has no access road. Malaysia also has a number of scenic tourist ropeways to reach resort centres on mountain tops that are not served by access roads. On all continents, fruit plantations, mining enterprises and many other industries use a great number of ropeways to transport goods.
The development of transport in Nepal has been quite different: major highways are built and even repaired by foreign contractors. If national contractors are involved, they are mostly Kathmandu-based. Even to construct remote feeder roads in the districts, central agencies such as the Department of Roads (DoR) or the Department of Local Infrastructure Development and Agricultural Roads (DoLIDAR) are involved. It is not local governments but contractors from Kathmandu that benefit. An excellent model of involving local people and authorities in the construction of environmentally friendly roads was, however, developed in the 1980s in Nepal: green roads. These roads, which were first implemented in the Tinau Watershed (later Palpa Development) Project and then in the Dhading District Development Project, operate on the principle of ‘food-for-work’ or income generating activities for self-organised rural groups. They not only make remote rural areas accessible, but also help alleviate poverty.
Despite the success of green roads, they are not the complete answer to transportation problems in the hills of the Himalaya. Given the formidable challenge of seeing that these roads do not deteriorate after a short time (rendering driving through the desecrated scenic beauty a painful experience and resulting in a public relations disaster for tourism promotion), green roads need to be complemented with an active programme of ropeway building.
Nepal has great potential for opening up its poor hinterlands to international tourists, yet roads are the only way with which mountains have been opened to seekers of a unique panoramic view. Nagarkot, Phulchoki, Hattiban and Shivapuri in the Kathmandu Valley as well as Sarangkot and Naudanda near Pokhara are all accessible by road only. The roads are in notoriously bad shape, parking places are few and tourists are engulfed by clouds of dust and polluted air. The construction of roads without attention to protecting the environment ruins beautiful scenery. If Nepal had hired experts in destroying unique tourist sites and mountain scenes, they could not have done better.
Ropeways for tourists are not just a means to get from one place to another. Nor, for that matter is a road, but a gentle ride to the top of the mountains in a comfortable cabin or open chairs is a unique thrill. A ropeway carrier glides as slowly and gently as a helicopter but without the ear-splitting noise. Travelling on ropeways would be still more thrilling when Kathmandu is covered with dense fog and even aircrafts are not allowed to take-off. Rising smoothly out of and above the fog and smog, the ride would offer a breathtaking experience and a panoramic view of the Himalayan mountains.
In the Kathmandu Valley, aerial ropeways could start at the outskirts of town, at the Ring Road encircling Kathmandu. The annoying drive on bad roads with their dust and traffic congestion could be avoided and tourists could glide over picturesque villages and beautiful rice fields where hardworking yet content farmers work. These ropeways could also promote treks of one or two days in the beautiful hills around the outer rim of the Kathmandu Valley. The great potential for establishing hotels in the Kathmandu Valley has so far been unexploited, but Nepal, like Switzerland, has spectacular aerial ropeway rides to offer.
The most incredible ride in the Alps is that on an aerial ropeway on Mont Blanc, France, whose awe-inspiring scenery certainly rivals that in Nepal. The 34-kilometre ropeway crosses the whole Mont Blanc range, which has the highest peak in the Alps (4,807 metres). The ropeway starts from Chamonix (1,100 metres) and proceeds via Aiguille du Midi (3,842 metres) over the Glacier de Geant and the Col du Geant (3,171 metres) into the Italian mountain resort of Entreves (1,306 metres). If Thak Khola were opened section-wise by a similar ropeway, the glide from Pokhara over Ghorepani, with its beautiful Gurung villages, down to Tatopani and on through the world’s deepest gorge to Jomsom with peaks on either side, would be simply overwhelming. No other country in the world can offer the unique experience of silently gliding over the 8000-metre-high range of the Himalaya. Trekkers could to choose to ride on the ropeway across the steepest and most tiresome sections of the trek, while trekking along other portions. This would allow them much more flexibility in making choices about the length, duration and stress of a trek.
Source: Ropeway in Nepal

The Ghirling

Ghirlings
Arrested Development of Nepal’s River Crossing Technology
AJAYA DIXIT AND MADHUKAR UPADHYA
HISTORY OF THE GHIRLING
This chapter reflects on the current status of the indigenous technology of the ghirling, its impact on people, its socio-economy, and the opportunities it has created for people living in villages separated by major rivers and their tributaries. Himalayan rivers are full of rapids that make them impossible to ford or punt across in dugout canoes even during non-monsoon months. To cross these rivers people once used simple rattan ropes. A ghirling uses this same technology but has improved upon it with the use of steel cables and pulleys.
This essay is based on a reconnaissance visit made to the Trisuli River in the section from Baireni, Dhading District to Mugling, Chitawan District, as well as on a review of literature, secondary materials and discussions with different development workers who have used ghirling in the course of their work. The stretch along the Trisuli River was chosen because it has experienced rapid changes over the last 30 years. The ghirling has been one factor behind this change. Hn turn, the ghirling itself has been affected by these developments and has undergone some modernisation.
A ghirling is a rope or cable hung across a fast-flowing river and used to cross it. This technique has been in use in many parts of Nepal for a long time and still continues to serve many villagers. Though a ghirling is risky and very uncomfortable to operate, in many villages, there is no alternative, especially during the monsoon. Although people often sustain injuries while using ghirling, the state has paid very little attention to improving this technology by making it more efficient and safer. Where donors have been involved, suspension foot-bridges have replaced ghirling but the ghirling itself has mostly remained in their blind spot. Today, swollen streams and rivers isolate many villages during the monsoon, and some rivers are impossible to ford even during the dry season. This brutal fact of life in the mountains has had significant consequences for modern development. Hronically policy studies on transport, not even the transport sector profile study, mention ghirling.1
Despite this formal neglect, ghirling are widely used in Nepal, a country where high mountain ridges and deep river valleys form an integral part of the landscape. Fast-flowing and unpredictable streams and rivers are impediments to the movement of goods and people. Crossing rivers has been a major challenge since early times, as much for rulers, who wished to maintain lines of communication and transport logistics for military and administrative purposes, as for villagers, who needed to communicate with kith and kin in widely scattered hamlets. Accounts of how people crossed riverbanks in the past are sketchy. According to Regmi (1988), the Gorkhali rulers of about 200 years ago had devised arrangements to maintain the main artery of the kingdom, the east-west track that connected Kathmandu with Dhankuta and Hlam in the east and Doti in the west.
These tracks, along which troops, military supplies and official mail (hulak) were moved, crossed all the major rivers and streams of the country. Climbing up and down the mountains over the spurs was much easier than making river crossings but, the Gorkhali rulers did introduce ferryboat services wherever possible. Travelling across Nepal consisted of little more than a perpetual cycle of climbs, descents, and river crossings. Crossing rivers caused the intolerable delays that characterised internal transit in Nepal. Where flow was swift, targhat (rope bridges) and sanghu (bridges of wooden logs) were used to cross rivers. Sanghu were used in the winter, whereas targhat were used during the monsoon.2 Regmi (1988) quotes Norman Hardie’s (1957) account of targhat in the Arun Valley in eastern Nepal as follows:
The structure, about one hundred and fifty feet long, was of suspension design and the ropes supporting all the weight were made from green bamboo sticks, which had been split and twisted together to form a rope of about one inch in diameter. At intervals of four to six feet, very flimsy bamboo or creeperstrands were attached to the main ropes, and these strands in turn supported one round wooden pole, on which the traveler must walk.
Targhat are still in use in many isolated parts of western Nepal where steel ropes have not yet been introduced. Hn some places people would hang a rope across a river and slide across it in a basket.3 Though simpler than a targhat, this arrangement is more risky. Landon (1928) summarised the difficulty of transport in Nepal and noted that all transport in the hills is carried out on human shoulders. A good road in Nepal, he claimed, would remain a practical impossibility due to the vast difficulties presented by the mountains. The major trail running from east to west required the labour of a myriad of men and was a constant drain upon the treasury of Nepal. Jung Bahadur (1846-1877) sanctioned three lakh rupees for broadening the artery between Hlam and Doti; the labour used was probably slave or unpaid (Landon, 1928). Hn 1956, the late Toni Hagen photographed villagers crossing the Arun River by hanging from such a rope or swinging in a rattan basket suspended from it.
Although people all over Nepal travelled between villages and towns on mountain trails, very little is known about the conditions of these trails or the difficulties that travellers experienced. From Landon’s written account of missionaries and traders who frequented some of the more important paths, we can make some inferences about the conditions of the trails and the difficulties associated with travelling across the mountains from one place to the other.4 Besides the east-west paths that connected Kathmandu with Doti, Dhankuta and Hlam, there were four strategically and economically important paths (referred to as ‘roads’ in the travelogues of missionaries) in Nepal. Two of them went south of Kathmandu, through Pyutar and Chitlang, to Hetauda. The other two took off north from Kathmandu to Kerung and Kuti in Tibet. The tracks to the south crossed the Mahabharat and Chure ranges before descending to the plains of the Tarai and were not, therefore, difficult to travel on. Travelling north, in contrast, was difficult and, in many places, dangerous. The trails took a person through the Middle Mountains, the High Himalayas and sometimes to the Trans-Himalayan region. The way was scary: trails were narrow, passed steep cliffs and crossed many streams and rivers flowing hundreds of metres below. Two Christian missionaries, Father Grueber and Father Dorville, who visited Nepal in 1662, recorded the tremendous precipices they passed while crossing Kuti Pass on their way to Kathmandu. Many of the trails that passed through the High Himal were hacked out of cliffs. Hn places the trails consisted of mere footholds supported on iron and wooden beams driven into the hillside.5 One traveller described the route to Kuti across the Himalaya in the following manner:
… passing through a fearful gorge where the road crosses the river not less than 15 times. Thrice by iron suspension bridges, and 12 times by wooden bridges, some of which were 60 paces long. At one point the rocky sides of the gigantic chasm were so close that a bridge of 24 paces spanned it. At another, a path was supported along the perpendicular wall of rock on iron pegs let into the face of the rock. The path of stone slabs covered with earth was only 18 inches wide, 1/3 of a mile, and one thousand five hundred feet high above the roaring torrent (Landon, 1928).
The difficulty in walking these trails was not only limited to physical stress; it also required mental courage. Landon’s following paragraph shows how strong one’s nerves needed to be.
The very narrow track lies along the edge of precipices and is continually turning the corners of extremely lofty mountains. Often the yawning gulfs between the rocks are bridged by narrow and trembling constructions of sticks and undergrowth. The traveler shudders to see underneath him immense sheer precipices and to hear the noise of the water tumbling at the bottom among stones. There is one specially difficult point which reduces timid or inexperienced men to terror, and the more they fear long slopes downward over an abyss, and is the more slippery from the dripping waters which continually wash and polish it. It is true that holes have been hacked out upon its surface where a traveler is able to place, if not his entire foot at least the ball of it. But Father Ceorgi does not seem to think that this much reduces the terrors of the passage. The river Nohotha is spanned by iron chains. Here people cross in safety upon the footway of the bridge grasping, on the right hand and on the left, two cables which are riveted into the rock at each end, but the oscillations of this rough bridge are fearful-especially when there is added to them the vibration caused by persons passing at the same time out of the step. Then says Father Cassien, one can scarcely endure the terror. So terrible, he says, is the crossing of some of the chain bridges that many travelers are blindfolded and bound to a plank, which is slung to the cables and maneuvered across by a local expert.
Nepal’s transportation infrastructure as it is described above remained fairly unchanged throughout the 19th century. However, with the extension of railway tracks in Hndia along the Nepal-Hndia border during the last decades of the century, conditions began to change. Ht became easier and quicker for Nepalis to travel east or west via Hndia.6 The travel time from Kathmandu to Morang, for instance, was reduced from twelve to five days via the new route. The growth of railways along the border, while it brought relief to travellers, also stifled initiatives in developing in-country transportation. No serious attention was paid to innovations in Nepal for quicker transportation across the Middle Hills until 1951, when the Rana rule ended after 104 years. According to Regmi (1988), the Rana rulers chose to remain sequestered from the rest of the world and took advantage of the country’s difficult terrain to secure the nation’s isolation. Hnnovations, in general, were discouraged. The Rana family believed that the British would annex Nepal if the country developed economically and pursued its policy of isolation with determination.
Ht was not possible for the people to remain sequestered. They had to move to maintain family and business connections. Himal (1989) provides an account of the number of people on the move: ‘more than 3 million hill dwellers are on the move over the Nepali trails at any time during the trading season from October to May’. As they commute, they have to cross many rivers, which, in the early 19th century, was done by means of simple rope bridges that spanned streams. According to Joshi and Chitrakar (1989) temporary crossings were built with bamboo ropes, twisted vines, and matted fibres and lasted through the rainy season. Strong iron chains built by local blacksmith using local ore were stretched over important crossings to span gorges more than 250 feet wide.8 The name chaksam, which is the name of a village in the upper reaches of the Budhi Gandak River to the west, indicates a place where men speaking Tibetan at one time. Forged cast-iron chains used to support temporary footbridge across gorges. The presence of bridge with links as good as those forged in the early 20th century is testimony to the enterprise as well as the skill of the ironworkers of the 15th century. 9 Where available, chains bridges gradually replaced rope bridges, bringing about a remarkable improvement in river-crossing technology. Some chain bridges are still in use in Baglung; they are maintained by local blacksmiths.
Timber cantilever bridges were another improvement over rope bridges, but were constructed almost at the level of the water and thus were often swept away or rendered useless by monsoon floods. During eighteenth century they were rarely found south of the Himalaya.
Hn the early 20th century Rana rulers imported suspension bridges from Aberdeen, Scotland and installed them at key locations along principal trade routes. The bridges were shipped in parcels, carried over mountains on the backs of porters and installed at important crossings. The first such bridge was probably the one built by Bir Shamsher (1885-1901) in Kulekhani (Sharma, 2056 BS), but views differ. According to Joshi and Chitrakar (1989) the first government bridge was built in 1907 in Khurkot over the Sun Kosi River between Sindhuli and Ramechhap. More bridges were built when the 52-mile long cart road between Birgunj and Bhimphedi was completed in the mid-1920s. The road crossed Churiya Khola and many other streams; about 15 major steel bridges and over 50 wooden bridges capable of carrying six-tonne loads were built. The government of the time pursued a policy of replacing all fords, ferries, rope bridges, and cantilever bridges along major trails with suspension or lattice girder bridges. Two iron girder bridges, one over the Bagmati River to connect Kathmandu and Patan and one over Nakkhu Khola were, also built.10
A modern short-span trail-bridge, which uses traditional skill and optimises local materials, is a hybrid between a traditional chain bridge and a Scottish suspension bridge.11 Suspension bridges introduced steel ropes to Nepal and, in many places, replaced targhat ropes. The one resultant crossing was called a ghirling and became the favoured means of crossing for many communities in the hills and mountains. People improvised by using pulleys to slide along the steel rope. This was a purely local innovation.
When the Prithvi Highway was completed along the left bank of the Trisuli River in the mid 1970’s, it became easy for people living on the left bank between Galchhi and Mugling to commute. Those living on the other side of the Trisuli experienced difficulties. Later, when the road was widened to two lanes, shops, restaurants, lodges and a market for selling vegetables and fruits, emerged for the people who lived along the highway. Villagers who lived on the other side of the river were unable to benefit from these opportunities because there were no bridges or other links that facilitated crossing the turbulent Trisuli to reach the highway.
With no support from the government, the villagers along the right bank built their own means to cross the river. Private entrepreneurs also built ghirlings for transporting stones from the quarry on the right bank to trucks on the highway on the left bank. Along this stretch of the Trisuli River the first ghirling was installed in 1978 while the most recent one was installed in 1994. Hn the 60-kilometre stretch between Baireni and Mugling, there are 18 ghirling, two boat crossings and two improved crossings for measuring river discharge. The Department of Hydrology and Meteorology collects data on discharge and sediment concentration using these new crossings in the Trisuli River. The station consists of a cable supported on metal towers and an electrically-operated cable car attached to a winch to measure the velocity of flow.
GHIRLING: TYPES AND OPERATION
A ghirling consists of a steel cable stretched across a river and anchored at suitable positions on opposite banks using stones, logs or trees. A carriage is mounted on the cable and, using wheels or a pulley, is allowed to run along it. Chirling are classified into three types depending on the type of carriage used. Hn the first type, the carrier consists of a pulley or wheels enclosed within a simple housing from which a small wooden plank hangs by two ropes like a swing. This simple device, called a khit-khite, is meant for transporting a single person (Figure 12.1). The passenger sits on the plank, with his/her feet hanging in the air and holds the pulley housing firmly on either side of the cable to ensure its position and to keep it from rattling. To begin his/her journey, s/he lets go off the cable in front of the pulley and the force of gravity causes the person to move forward. While sliding towards the centre of the river, the rider has to make sure that his/her hands are always behind the pulley, which, because it runs very fast, can slice fingers inadvertently placed in front of it. The speed of a khit-khite cannot be controlled. The momentum ceases usually just beyond the middle point of the sag, when the cable goes uphill. From that point onward the rider has to pull the cable inch by inch against gravity. This is tiresome and risky because if the person fails to pull, the khit-khite rolls backwards. The sick and old do not have the strength to use a khit-khite. Many families living on the right bank of the Trisuli River along the Prithvi Highway keep one or two khit-khites for use by their members.
The second type of ghirling has a box-like carrier attached by a hanger to wheels which rest on the steel rope. This type can carry four to five persons at a time. Hts typical method of operation involves the passengers sitting in the carriage and sliding down to the midpoint of the rope, at which point they haul themselves up to the end station by hand. They are sometimes helped by someone on the bank, who pulls a second, smaller rope. Since most cables are strung without much tension, the sag in the middle is great and so, accordingly, is the effort needed to pull the carrier.
Since an operator usually runs this type of ghirling, the sick and old can use it as well. Ht is also safer because the box usually hangs on two pulleys. Passengers pay the operator each time they cross. Although the principle of operation is the same as that of a khit-khite, pulling it is harder.
The third type of crossing consists of a guided raft or boat attached by a rope to a cable suspended across a river and fixed at opposite riverbanks. Using a paddle, the boat is moved across the river along the suspended rope, which prevents the boat from being swept away by the current. This arrangement has a large passenger capacity and is used to transport both people and goods. Hts use, however, is restricted by the nature of the river, which must be relatively calm at the fording point. Unlike a ghirling, a boat allows its users to transport goods to the desired location along the river bank. With or without ropes, boats, especially dugout canoes are used to cross major rivers with goods despite the risk due to their instability. Hn the Sun Kosi River in Sindhupalchok District, people use modern vinyl rafts to transport goods to their villages on the river’s bank as far downstream as Ramechhap.
A ghirling, though itself limited, is an improvement on a dugout because it is quicker, safer and more convenient. Since a ghirling is suspended, the river’s flow does not affect it; and since it can be installed at a higher elevation, a person does not have to spend time descending to and climbing up from the river. But, as mentioned above, the ghirling does have limitations. Some efforts have been made to improve the ghirling, especially the box and pulley arrangements. Hn many places, carriers made of steel have replaced wooden boxes. The growth of the industry that manufactures window shutters and grills in places where electricity is available has made this innovation possible. Likewise, double pulleys have replaced single pulleys, making ghirling more stable. Because iron pulleys of the required si�e are not readily available in villages, villagers use the discarded ball-bearings of old bicycles to improve their khit-khites.
Box-type ghirling use the discarded pulleys of heavy equipment and cranes. Another improvement some ghirling use is an additional rope attached to the carriage that allows people in the carrier, at the end of the line or on the banks of the river to pull the rope, thereby helping
Even in areas where ghirling have been built, people often demand a suspension bridge. A bridge is desirable for several reasons: loaded doko (wicker baskets) need not be pulled, many people can cross at the same time and mules and goats that carry loads can also cross.12 Needless to say, a suspension bridge is also much safer than a ghirling.
SOCIAL IMPACT
Our preliminary study of ghirling along the Trisuli River shows that they do generate local level benefits. The ghirling serves as a social link. Crossings improve social interaction between villages on opposite sides of rivers and have ended the isolation of those on the far side. Hn the study area, the number of people who use a ghirling daily to cross the Trisuli River ranged from 30-40 to 200-250, depending upon the season. On a daily basis, school-going children formed the largest user group. They can commonly be seen carrying a wooden khit-khite in their backpacks along with their schoolbooks. Without ghirling they would have to walk many hours every day to reach school. Hn most sites where ghirling are located, the nearest suspension bridges are located a few kilometres up or downstream.
A ghirling can also, in a very limited way reduce the distance between producers and a market. With markets more readily available, villagers can get better prices for local produce. Without a ghirling, it takes much more time to travel to a market via the nearest suspension bridge. Economic incentives are one main reason villagers use ghirling despite their risks. At eateries and shops along the road, farmers often get ten, twenty or even as much as forty per cent more money for local farm produce than they would in a village haat ba�aar. The prices of other goods they need, such as footwear and clothes, are likely to be similarly ten or twenty per cent cheaper in shops along the road than in village shops.
ACCIDENTS
Despite the fact that little maintenance is carried out on ghirling and that there is significant passenger traffic, there have been relatively few fatal accidents. Hn fact, only three sites have reported serious accidents. The ghirling constructed by Agriculture Fertili�er Company and Hetauda Cement Factory to transport stones from a quarry broke three times (in 1994, 1995, and 1996), but no one was injured. Hn other cases, two people were killed when they fell from ghirling into the Trisuli River and two more died when they fell from khit-khite. Two others who fell into the river survived and swam ashore. The ghirling does have its share of problems. Ht has no safety features such as brakes. The major perils associated with using a ghirling is the risk of getting one’s fingers caught between the cable and the pulley, the risk of falling in the river due to the sudden stoppage of the carriage and the difficulty in crossing during a heavy rainfall or when there are strong winds. The loss of fingers is the most common injury. Hn village of Mastar in Dhading District, for example, 30 of the 300 people have lost fingers and the village has earned the unfortunate appellation of a village of amputees.13 Despite these risks, ghirling are used regularly and provide quick access to villages on the right bank of the Trisuli River. For many villagers the benefits outweigh the risks, especially in the absence of alternative systems for crossing rivers.
MANAGEMENT OF CROSSINGS
The members of a community, who live on the right bank of the Trisuli in the vicinity of a ghirling take responsibility for its operation and maintenance because it is important for them. The ghirling is considered the property of the village that uses it and the villagers themselves fix any damage. No formal body is responsible for its maintenance; instead, villagers set up ad hoc groups whenever problems emerge and donate some funds for its repair. Villagers who live along the highway help, but their role is limited to providing security for the left-bank tie-up post. Only when major damage renders a ghirling non-operational do other villagers help. The arrangement for boat crossings is different. One or two villagers are responsible for operating a boat, and a fee is charged for crossing. A percentage of the total fees collected is paid to the VDC as revenue while the rest is the operator’s income. A similar arrangement is also being replicated for the operation of ghirling. While local villagers are not charged for using a ghirling, villagers commuting from adjoining hamlets are charged two rupees per crossing. The local people help them make the crossing.
IMPROVING THE GHIRLING
Some efforts have been made by private as well as public enterprises to improve the ghirling to make it safer, more energy efficient and more dependable. Others have promoted the use of boats as a safer means to cross rivers. Boats are useful in calm stretches of a river but are risky during the monsoon when rivers are swollen. Four significant innovations are the wire bridge (tar pul) of Eco-Systems Nepal, the improved ghirling of HTDG, the natural-force ferryboat of Royal Nepal Academy of Sciences and Technology (RONAST), and the auto wire bridge proposed by the Robotic Club of the Hnstitute of Engineering (HOE). These are described briefly below.
Wire road and wire bridge (tar bato and tar pul)
Eco-Systems Private Limited, a Kathmandu-based company established in 1996, first began promoting the tar bato (wire road) as an inexpensive, safe, and all-weather form of transport for people and goods in plain areas. The tar bato is an improved
version of the ghirling in which ropes are used to pull a carrier along a spring rod stretched between two points. The carrier has a well-designed wire-bike and comfortable chairs. Depending upon local needs, multiple chairs can also be used. The system can be operated by human power, an electric motor or a gas or diesel engine. Ht can climb a gentle gradient of 35 metres for every kilometre which makes it suitable for reasonably level areas. On a level area, a carrier on a tar bato can carry
50 to 100 kilogrammes and travel at a speed of about 10 kilometres per hour. Hn a manually operated system used for transporting cargo, a person can pull up to 4,000 kilogrammes at walking speed. They have not yet been used in Nepal to carry goods, but banana farmers in countries like the Philippines have used them for decades. A tar bato can be used in the Tarai as well as in valleys, where the transport costs of farmers who currently use tractors or pickup trucks can be reduced substantially.
When a tar bato is modified to cross a river it is called a tar pul (wire bridge). Hn use in Nepal since 1996, a tar pul uses ropes to pull chairs suspended from a pair of spring rods stretched across a river. Chairs replace the boxes used in a ghirling. As of May 2004, 25 tar puls had been installed in Nepal, mainly in the districts of Kavrepalanchok, Udayapur, Lamjung, Myagdi, Chitawan, Tanahu, and Gorkha. The average cost of a tar pul is about US$ 12,000, which, in most cases, were donated by NGOs, individuals, and charity organisations. Hn some places, local VDCs also contributed. To install a tar pul users request Eco-Systems to conduct a survey, which they must pay for themselves. Eco-System then conducts a survey, prepares a design and estimates the cost of construction. Villagers generally arrange to pay 10 to 15 per cent of the cost, and then, on their own, find a donor to support the rest of the cost. Eco-Systems also helps raise funds through its contacts in the US, Canada and Europe. Since its successful introduction, the demand for tar pul has been very high. Hts proliferation has been limited by the lack of funds available. Many requests have had to be turned down due to the lack of donors.
Improved ghirling
HTDG-Nepal has also improved the traditional ghirling. The improved arrangement consists of two pillars that support the wire and a box with a double pulley that slides on the rope (Figure 12.2). Nylon rope is attached to drive the box on either side.
Both single and double wire types are used. The improved ghirling have been installed in five different locations at an approximate cost of Rs 2,500 per metre.
Natural-force ferry boat
RONAST initiated a project to design and build a natural-force ferryboat (NFFB) system in 1988 with support from Japan’s ATCHA and the Open University. The objective of this project was to develop a transportation system safer than ghirling and dugout canoes. The ferryboats were intended to transport passengers as well as goods across a river using the energy of flowing water. The pilot project was implemented in the Trisuli River. The boat is maintained in the correct direction by using ropes suspended from a cable. Besides moving passengers, it allows local people to market agricultural
produce in large quantities: as the time of travel is reduced, vegetables reach markets with no decline in their quality. NFFB were installed in Ghatbesi, Dhading District, and Gaighat, Tanahu District.14
Auto wire bridge
Another improvement has been proposed by a group of student members of the Robotic Club of the Hnstitute of Engineering in Pulchok, Lalitpur. The group has been experimenting with a ghirling operated by gravity since 2001. For the track cable, the group intends to use a spring rod instead of a cable. The proposed auto wire bridge is aimed at ferrying passengers and goods across a river using the force of gravity. Ht is being designed in such a way that the children, the elderly and the disabled can operate it.
The proposed auto wire bridge consists of two posts of unequal heights rather than the level anchors of all other forms of river crossing and bridges. A tall post is erected on one side of a river and a short one on the opposite. The height of the spring rod at the shorter post is fixed, whereas the height at the taller post can be adjusted using a mechanism with a vertical channel in order to create a gravitational force in the required direction. A pulley facing the river, to which the spring rod of the bridge is attached, slides up and down in the channel with the help of a counter­weight suspended through a roller on top of the post (Figure 12.4). The weight of the counter-load can be increased or decreased in order to move the sliding pulley up and down.
When the counter-load moves downward, the sliding pulley moves up, as does the spring rod attached to it. Once the spring rod is higher than the height of the short post on the opposite bank, the suspended rod becomes angled downward towards the opposite bank. The carrier then moves toward the other bank under the force of gravity. Once the carrier is on the other side, the operator reduces the weight of the counter-load by releasing a lock with a control wire. When the weight of the counter-load decreases, the sliding pulley becomes heavy and moves downward. The rod, in turn, shifts to a height lower than the height of the short post on the opposite bank and angles downward in the opposite direction back toward the tall post. Hn this way, the height of the rod at the tall post is changed to angle the rope in the desired direction and help the carrier to move using gravity. Hf the carrier does not reach the opposite end due to friction or wind, a rope attached to the carrier can be used to pull it to the bank.
The prototype is yet to be tested in the field. According to the Robotic Club, the system can be used for a span of between 30 and 100 metres15, thereby making it useful to cross narrow rivers.
CONCLUSION
Despite their ancient origin and widespread use, ghirling, have not received as much attention as other modes of transportation that arrived on the scene much later in Nepal’s history. As has been the case in other development sectors, the transport sector has also suffered from a lack of appreciation of the potential of local people to find innovative solutions to local problems. Villagers had developed local ways of moving about the country but modern development paid no attention to such indigenous systems and instead introduced alien ideas and resources without a thought to their adoption or adaptation by the people. Hn the process, the social carrier of the ghirling-Nepal’s average Ram Bahadur Gaunle-became marginalised. Though not a comfortable means of crossing rivers, a ghirling, because it is inexpensive and easy to build, is an important alternative, especially when no other means of transport is available.
Hn the hills, streams or rivers often separate farmland and villages. Accessing markets, schools and health posts also frequently requires crossing rivers. Even during times of heavy flow and floods, villagers have to cross rivers to carry out everyday activities like farming, shopping, attending school, visiting health posts and transporting farm produce. Where roads exist, one can travel long distances in order to get to a bridge to cross a river, but there are no roads in most places. Ht is unimaginable that in the foreseeable future, roads, of whatever type, will connect every village in Nepal. Hundreds of thousands of villagers will keep using simple devices such as the ghirling. Hn fact, it will remain an important part of rural transport for decades to come.
This brutish aspect of life in rural Nepal has not elicited sufficient sensitivity or sympathy from Nepal’s officialdom. Despite introducing the concept of agriculture roads in the Agriculture Perspective Plan (APP) and subsequently, establishing DoLHDAR in 2000, the task of improving rural access remains grossly neglected. The events in Basmadi Village in Makawanpur, where more than 100 students could not attend school because their ghirling over the Rapti River snapped, is a manifestation of such a neglect. Without the ghirling, the residents of Basmadi have to walk four hours to reach Hetauda. When no help came from officials to re-install a new ghirling, the villagers of ward no 7, 8 and 9 of the Basmadi VDC started voluntary work to rebuild it, and managed to get some help from the Hetauda Cement Factory. They are reported as being committed to complete the installation of a new ghirling in one week and to begin commuting.16Unfortunately, the absence of governmental support to facilitate such local spontaneity means that the life of the majority of rural population continues to languish in depravation.
The good news is that the potential of the ghirling has recently received attention from a few private companies and HNGOs, some of which have started work on designing and building improved forms of ghirling. Some of the designs are still beyond the capacity of villagers to install on their own and will make them dependent on outside support. Hmprovements must be incremental if they are to suit the local context that must adopt and adapt to such technological improvements.
Hmproved and standardised ghirling can provide a solution for overcoming difficulties associated with river crossing in many localities. Ht is not a new technology; on the contrary, it has been in Nepal for a long time and people do not have to come to terms with it. Hndeed, a modern ropeway is only a mechanically energised ghirling with additional safety features. Chirlings need to be modernised and made more efficient, safer and more reliable if they are to improve local transport in the hills of rural Nepal and have a positive impact on lives and livelihoods. Ht behooves Nepal’s official planning bodies to widen their hori�ons to incorporate the humble ghirling.
NOTES
2 A sanghu is a small temporary wooden bridge used during the winter but taken out for safety before the onset of the monsoon. It is built and maintained by local communities along main tracks. This type of wooden bridges was replaced by stronger cantilever bridges. Francis Hamilton has described targhat as ‘bridges of ropes made of rattans connected by cords of tough grass’. See Regmi (1988) for details.
3 Ropes are used to gain access to inaccessible cliffs. Eric Valli, a Swiss filmmaker, documented one such use in Lamjung District in Western Nepal, where rope ladders (parang in Nepali) are used to negotiate cliffs to collect the honey of wild bees. Similar ladders are also used in Myagdi District to collect honey. The technique of using a rope ladder to access difficult landscape dates back many centuries.
6 In the second half of the 19th century, the British Raj in India began expanding transport and commu­nication system in order to reduce widespread famine. Roads and railway links were extended. Most railway links connected port cities with the interior of India so as to be able to export raw materials to British industries. At the same time, railway lines were also extended to North Indian cities close to the Nepal boarder. A railway line to Nepalgunj Road on the Indian side was opened in 1885. Assam Bihar State Railway opened its Purnea sections from Kusba to Forbesgunj in 1890. Jainagar and Raxaul were connected in 1897 and 1898 respectively (Regmi, 1988).
7 After Messrs. Martin and Co. of Calcutta surveyed the approximately 23 miles of road between Birgunj and a place called Bichako, it submitted a tender for the construction of a light railway from the border to Bichako. The government, however, was reluctant to connect the Indian system with these new areas. It did not allow the railway to penetrate the country farther than Suparitar near Bhimphedi. Prime Minister Chandra Shamsher favoured implementing this proposal with proper safeguards as it would have reduced the high price of imported rice, the main staple food of the people of Kathmandu. It seems that security concerns were most important than economic efficiency for Nepal (Landon, 1928).
8 Joshi and Chitrakar (1989) suggest that ‘without the help of surveyors and engineers, the villagers would chose the spot where the river cuts the steepest, where the banks were stable. The indigenous chain link bridges used no mortar or cement, and required no tempered steel cables manufactured abroad.’
10 The tracks that connected Kathmandu with the Tarai and the ones that lay on the trade route to Tibet were improved with strong bridges. Iron-lattice girder bridges were built over the Karra River at Karra, the Samari River at Samari near Suparitar and over the Bhainse River. Iron-plate girder bridges were built at Sirsiya and over the Kiyasod River. Bridges over the Dhobi and the Bhimphedi rivers were also built at the same time. Wire rope suspension bridges were built in Chobhar, Sundarighat, Khokana, and Indrayani. Other bridges were built: three over the Sun Kosi, two over the Kaligandaki at Ridi and Ramdighat, one over the Gandak at Trisuli, one over the Tamor at Dhankuta, and one each over the Marshyangdi and over the Lishankhu at Dolakha. Bridges were built over the Chepe, Daraundi, Tadi Ankhu, Rosi, and Likhu rivers. Two stone bridges were built over the Bagmati at Pashupati and at Gaurighat. Another improvement in bridge construction involved using iron beams and stone walls. Such bridges were built at Bhimukteshwar and at Bajra Jogini. Pile bridges were built over the Barhwa and Sirsiya rivers and over the Jhanjh River near Hazmania, as well as at Shankhamul and at Dostea. Wooden bridges were built at Kageshwari over the Betravati River, on the way to Pyuthan at Balkhu, at Dakshinkali, over the Kalinadi River between Bhadgaun and Sanga, at Lamjung near Manbyasi, at Labsey below Benighat, and between Taulihawa and Soharatgunj. In some places strong wooden bridges replaced old-fashioned cantilever bridges. See Landon (1928) for details.
11 Currently two types of suspended trail bridges, long-span (120 to 350 metres) and short-span (65 to 120 metres), are built in Nepal. Every year, about 200 bridges of different spans are built by at least ten agencies. The number demonstrates that the demand is high. Helvetas plans to support the con­struction of an additional 900 bridges in the coming years (Helvetas, 2001).
12 Mules, mountain goats, and yaks are used to haul goods. Yaks or jhoppa, are used at high altitudes. Mules are used to cover longer distances at lower altitudes. Goats are used at both elevations. A mule or a jhoppa can carry about 50 kilogrammes, whereas a goat can carry just 10 to 15 kilogrammes. One major advantage of yaks and mules is that they can cross rivers which flow fairly rapidly, but goats cannot. If there is no bridge over a river, goats must walk longer on the same side of the bank until they reach a fordable section and can cross to reach their destination.
13 See Himal Khabar Patrika, 2002. Accidents are also common in other places, too. Kantipur Daily reported that on 18 July, 2004 three persons drowned while crossing the Mahakali River after the rope snapped.
14 Personal communication with authorities at RONAST. The initiative was supported by ATCHA and Hoso Daigaku (Open University) at Saitama. Also see Himal (1989) for a discussion on the above initiative. 15 Personal communication with the members of the Robotic Club, IOE, Pulchok. 16For details, see Kantipur 2 August, 2004.
REFERENCES
Hamilton, F. B., 1819 (reprint 1971): An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal, New Delhi Manjusri Publishing House, New Delhi.
Hardie, N., 1957: In Highest Nepal, Our Life among the Sherpas, George Allen and Unwin, London, 1957.
Helvetas, 2001: Trail Bridge Section, Nepal Trail Bridge Record 2001, HMG/N, DoLIDAR.
Himal, 1989: How the Majority Travels, March/April.
Himal Khabar Patrika, 2002: Gaun Nai Dundo Banaidine Tuin, May-June, 2002, Kathmandu.
HMG/N, 1988: Asian Development Bank, Kingdom of Nepal, Transport Sector Profile Study, Transport Sector Profile Study Final Report, TECNECON, in association with Scott Wilson Kirkpatrick and EAST Consult, Nepal.
Joshi, P. C. and Chitrakar A., 1989: Bridge-Building and Baglung’s Blacksmith, Himal, March/April.
Kantipur 2004: Tuin Chundera Tin Bepatta, 1 July, Kathmandu.
Landon, P., 1928 (reprint 1993): Nepal, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi.
Regmi, M. C., 1988: An Economic History of Nepal, 1846-1901, Nath Publishing House, Varanasi.
Sharma, D.P., 1999 (2056 BS): Nepal Ko Adhunik Itihas (1742-1961) Ratna Pustak Bhandar, Kathmandu.
Source: Ropeways in Nepal